Universal Health Care Might Cost You Less Than You Think
We don’t think of the premiums we already pay as taxes, but maybe we should.
As
the national debate about health care kicks off ahead of the 2020
presidential election, we’re going to be hearing a lot about the costs
of increasingly popular progressive proposals to provide universal
health care, like Bernie Sanders’s Medicare for All plan.
One common refrain on the right and the center-left
alike: Since the rich can’t foot the bill alone, are middle- and
working-class supporters of a more socialized health care system really
ready to pay as much for it as people do in some of the high-tax nations
that have one?
The problem is, we already do, and we often pay more.
It’s true that by conventional measures,
taxes on workers’ wages in the United States are comparatively very low
and even very progressive, affecting the lowest-earning workers the
least and taxing those who can afford it more.
But
these measures obscure an important fact of American life: Unlike
workers in many other countries, the vast majority of American employees
have private health insurance premiums deducted from their paychecks.
If
we reimagine these premiums as taxes, we’d realize that Americans pay
some of the highest and least progressive labor taxes in the developed
world.
Just
how heavy is the burden placed on American workers by employer
insurance premiums? By combining data from the O.E.C.D. Taxing Wages
model with data from the Medical Expenditure Panel Survey,
we can see what percentage of each worker’s compensation — a figure
that includes cash wages as well as the taxes and benefits employers pay
on behalf of their employees — goes toward taxes and health care, and
how progressive these payments really are.
What
this data shows is that lower-income workers, higher-income workers,
single workers, and married workers with children all contribute around
40 percent of their pay toward taxes and health premiums. And when those
health care costs are taken into account, the less well off no longer
pay less than high-earners, as they do in taxes alone.
So,
while opponents of comprehensive plans like Medicare for All claim
those plans will greatly burden middle-class families, the truth is that
we already have an unfair system. Middle-class workers in America are
charged the same health insurance fees as upper-class workers despite
the vast income differences between the two groups, and pay more of
their earnings toward taxes and health care than workers in many wealthy
countries.
For
instance, according
to this analysis, when an American family earns around $43,000, half of
the average compensation when including cash wages plus employer payroll
tax and premium contributions, 37 percent of that ends up going to
taxes and health care premiums. In high-tax Finland, the same type of
family pays 23 percent of their compensation in labor taxes, which
includes taxes
they pay to support universal health care. In France, it’s 2 percent.
In the United Kingdom and Canada, it is less than 0 percent after
government benefits.
Consider
the impact of these insurance premiums on American families with
children. Through the earned-income tax credit and the child tax credit,
the federal tax code does a lot to ensure that the effective tax rates
of lower-middle-class workers go down considerably when they have kids.
But these efforts are effectively negated by the burden of
employer-based health insurance.
When
single workers decide to start a family, they need to switch from an
individual health plan to a family health plan. The average individual
health plan
has an annual premium of just under $6,400 — with employees directly
paying around $1,400 of that. For family plans, the premium is around
$19,000 with employees responsible for around $5,200.
This
jump in premiums for workers who start families is what ensures that
middle-class workers with children put around 40 percent of their labor
compensation toward taxes and health care, despite policies that reduce
their formal taxes.
Moving from our
system to a European-style system would make our overall system of taxes
and health insurance payments much more progressive for the majority of
Americans, because the elimination of private health premiums would
more than offset the rise in formal taxes for all but the wealthy.
Although
the financing details of Medicare for All remain provisional at the
moment, a RAND report
on a more concrete single-payer proposal for New York State found that
the plan would cut health care costs dramatically for the lowest income
group, while increasing them by about 50 percent for the highest income
group. Middle-class people would also experience net savings on health
care equal to around 10 percent of their income, with only those earning
10 times the federal poverty line or above — that’s $134,000 for an
individual or $276,000 for a family of four — paying more than they do
now.
If
we don’t move toward a European-style health program, we’ll remain
stuck in a system where Americans, regardless of their incomes, pay ever larger amounts
out of their paychecks to fund health care. The fact that we don’t call
these payments “taxes” doesn’t change that fact, so it shouldn’t blind
us to the best solutions.
If
policymakers in America want to boost the fortunes of the middle class,
and especially middle-class families with children, shifting the health
insurance burden up the income ladder while bringing down overall health
care costs, as Medicare for All would, is one of the surest ways to do that.
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